CNARED: LA COQUILLE SE CASSE, PUTCH A NYANGOMA

Que le CNARED était une coquille vide, nous le savions tous; qu’il était fragile, c’était escompté. Mais que sa fin fût si proche, je ne l’imaginais pas. Mais il fallait s’y attendre. Quelqu’un aimait à répéter: « qui a bu boira »,  « le loup perd son poil et non son vice », « agatoke kamenyereye gukomba kama gahese » et voilà la nature putchiste des membres de ce conglomérat refait surface et veut éjecter Nyangoma leur président. Ironie du sort ! Depuis février 2015, ces professionnels du « non » disaient que le problème c’était Pierre Nkurunziza, ensuite le troisième mandat, et maintenant ils l’ont craché: « le problème c’est Léonard Nyangoma ». Une déclaration douce comme le miel ! En substance, ils ont une espèce de complexe d’Oedipe politique, qui les pousse à vouloir  remplacer leur chef, qui qu’il soit. Et cela se voit surtout dans les organisations Hutu, parce qu’elles sont malheureusement frappées par une tare presque inguérissable: la force centrifuge. Les Hutu n’aiment pas se centrer sur quelqu’un, au contraire chacun croit que c’est lui le centre. Les frondeurs du CNDD-FDD en sont une illustration. Les Dr Minani, Ntibantunganya, Ndayizeye Domitien: le même spectacle ! Par contre, le grand secret des hima est la force centripède: un pour tous, tous pour un. C’est pour cette raison que le CNARED de Nyangoma est tout simplement un figurant: ils ne savent pas ce qu’ils veulent, ni où ils vont. Ils servent seulement de parapluie, de tenue, de bélier aux hima sindumuja, qui eux tentent de récupérer le pouvoir sectaire, clanique et régional que le peuple a redistribué entre tous les fils et filles de  la nation par les élections. Beaucoup de jeunes manipulés embrassent le fusil et ils vont combattre pour une cause non seulement qu’ils ne connaissent pas, mais surtout qui est contre eux; ils sont en train d’aider ceux qui projettent de les asservir de nouveau.  Les sindumuja n’ont jamais caché en effet leur sympathie pour le modèle rwandais de Kagame, une dictature pure et dure. S’ils cherchent par tous les moyens d’obtenir « un génocide », c’est pour ensuite enterrer à jamais les Accords d’Arusha, et avoir le plaisir d’agenouiller les enfants hutu pour qu’ils demandent pardon pour un crime qu’ils n’ont pas commis, comme au Rwanda. Je ne sais pas si les naïfs hutu du CNARED le savent.  Mais personne ne peut leur enlever le plaisir d’exercer  la liberté de se creuser la tombe.

CYNISME DE LA REUTERS: LES TERRORISTES SINDUMUJA SONT DES AGENTS DE SECURITE !

Les terroristes Sindumuja, « Vigilantes » selon la REUTERS

Imaginez cette scène: le 14 novembre 2015, au lendemain des attaques de Paris, un journaliste de la Reuters réussit à savoir où se cachent Abaoud, Salah et ses complices, leur fait une interview, des photos et des vidéos avec leur arsenal de mort, et sort triomphant: « voici les vigilantes de Paris », c’est-à-dire, les agents de sécurité!

Aussi invraisembable que ce soit, ce méfait s’est produit à Bujumbura la semaine dernière. Un reporter de la Reuters a pris rendez-vous avec les terroristes sindumuja, les a photographiés durant leur entrainement, et  leur a accordé une interview. Jusque là, travail de journaliste. Mais, quand il a écrit ses articles, il les a appelés des « vigilantes », c’est-à-dire des agents de sécurité! C’est malheureusement cette appelation qui les blanchit de leurs crimes qui est en train de circuler dans les agences de nouvelles internationales.  Et cela s’est passé après les attaques sanglantes des terroristes sindumuja aux  bars de Kanyosha, Bwiza, Jabe; au lendemain de l’attaque au domicile du maire de la ville, et du lancement des grenades en plein jour dans les marchés et dans les rues, qui ont fait des morts et des blessés.

Une grande Agence de nouvelles comme Reuters qui s’adonne au cynisme et à l’intoxication montre à quel point la corruption des meilleurs est toujours la pire, comme récitait quelqu’un. Quelle est donc la différence, chère Reuters entre ceux qui tuent les clients  des restaurants et du Bataclan à Paris, et ceux qui mitraillent les jeunes gens dans une boite de nuit à Bwiza ?

LE RWANDA RECRUTE DES REBELLES DANS LES CAMPS DE REFUGIES. Interview de la journaliste Ann Garrison à Jeff Drumtra

November 27, 2015

by Ann Garrison

Source: San Francisco Bay View

Burundian refugees at Nyanza reception center prepare to depart for Rwanda’s Mahama refugee camp. – Photo: J. Novela, UNHCR

Western press and officials now warn that the Rwandan massacres of 1994 are close to a replay in Rwanda’s neighbor Burundi, which shares its Hutu-Tutsi-Twa demographic. Prominent Western voices blame Burundian President Pierre Nkurunziza for seeking and winning a third term in office, but critics of U.S. and E.U. foreign policy say that their real issues are Western firms’ loss to Russian and Chinese firms in the scramble for Burundi’s natural resources, most notably its nickel reserves, and Burundi’s geostrategic border with the resource-rich Democratic Republic of the Congo.

In “Burundi’s dangerous neighbor,” a letter to the Washington Post, former U.N. official Jeff Drumtra argues that the Rwandan government’s conscription of Burundian refugees to fight in a new, so-called “rebel force” is a grave danger that the international community should recognize before it’s too late.

Drumtra returned several weeks ago from five months work in Rwanda’s Mahama Refugee Camp for Burundian refugees near the Rwandan Burundian border. I spoke to him on Nov. 14, 2015. He stressed that his employment contract with the U.N. had been completed several weeks before and that he was not speaking in any official capacity.

Ann Garrison: Jeff Drumtra, in your Washington Post letter, “Burundi’s dangerous neighbor,” you said that you worked for five months as a U.N. official in Rwanda’s Mahama Refugee Camp for Burundian refugees. Could you tell us what your responsibilities there were?

Jeff Drumtra: Well, Mahama Camp in Rwanda had about 45,000 Burundian refugees. It was created in April. I was part of the U.N. emergency team that went in there to respond to the massive Burundian refugee influx that was coming into Rwanda. And on an emergency team, you do whatever needs to be done in the first weeks and months of an emergency.

So, my primary responsibilities were to deal with journalists coming to the camp, and it was a very high profile camp. Also, facilitating visits by diplomats, representatives of other governments who would come to the camp. Their money is going into paying for the international assistance that the U.N. was providing.

I was also filing daily reports for the U.N. team. These were internal reports, within the U.N. system, things that were going on in the camp every day: progress being made to deal with health issues, nutrition, food distribution, shelter, water, sanitation. All of this has to be set up in the first weeks and months of creating a refugee camp.

But another part of my responsibilities was to do what we call “protection,” which means to try to monitor the physical safety of refugees in the camp and also make sure that their legal rights are not being violated, and doing that kind of protection work really gets you into some of the more subtle issues that go on in a refugee camp.

In “Burundi’s dangerous neighbor,” a letter to the Washington Post, former U.N. official Jeff Drumtra argues that the Rwandan government’s conscription of Burundian refugees to fight in a new, so-called “rebel force” is a grave danger that the international community should recognize before it’s too late.

AG: And how did you experience what you called, in your Washington Post letter, “the intimidating power of the military recruitment effort by the Rwandan government” there?

JD: Well, the military recruitment, much of it would happen at night, when international staff like myself were not in the camp. Under U.N. security restrictions, we’re required to leave the camp before nightfall every evening.

And so a lot of this would happen at night, but we would gradually piece together what was happening, as refugees who were very afraid of being forced into a rebel army, forced to go into combat, would come to talk to us with their fears, their concerns. And we gradually pieced together the story of what was happening and various eyewitness accounts from the refugees themselves of who was involved in this massive recruitment effort, and it gradually became clearer and clearer to us that this was not just a few refugees who were trying to recruit a rebel force, but that there was the hand of the Rwandan government involved – police officers, intelligence officers.

And certainly I felt the effects of that. I had refugees coming to me who were extremely afraid, very much afraid of what might happen to them.

AG: Do you mean what might happen to them if they refused the recruitment?

JD: What might happen to them if they refused to be recruited. They did receive death threats, telling them that “you really have no choice, you must agree to join the force that’s being created.” So they had death threats.

The UNHCR built Mahama Refugee Camp on Rwandan land near the Rwandan-Burundian border.

Some of them were afraid to sleep in their tents at night and would spend the night in the latrines, trying to escape because a lot of this would happen at night, and so they would sometimes be afraid to go into their tents at night. And so the ones who were most afraid took the risk of talking to a U.N. team, which itself was a risk, because the U.N. team, including myself, was under constant surveillance in the camp by Rwandan government officials.

And so we certainly felt the effects of that surveillance and it made our work more difficult, but gradually we did piece together what was happening in terms of recruitment – usually refugee young males, middle aged males being moved out of the camp, presumably for military training and then onward for whatever the eventual mission was meant to be.

Some of them were afraid to sleep in their tents at night and would spend the night in the latrines, trying to escape because a lot of this would happen at night, and so they would sometimes be afraid to go into their tents at night.

AG: And these were Burundian refugees being drafted by the Rwandan army for some kind of mission in Burundi, right?

JD: They were Burundian refugees being conscripted by Rwandan officials to form their own rebel force. We saw no evidence that these individuals, these refugees, were integrated into the Rwandan military. That’s not what we think was happening or is happening. Instead, it was the creation of a new rebel force that was being put together under the guiding hand of Rwandan officials.

AG: You also wrote that “U.N. officials and the U.S. government are aware of the Rwandan government’s recruitment campaign.” Could you explain how U.N. officials and the U.S. government know – and how you know that they know?

JD: Well, U.N. officials know because they were receiving the regular reporting that was coming from my team, and we were reporting on a daily and then a weekly and a monthly basis. And we would analyze this and we would report this up the chain, and so we know that U.N. officials at higher levels knew about this because they had access to the internal reporting that we were generating.

U.S. officials and officials of other governments who visited the camp knew about this eventually because they said they did. They would ask about it. They had heard about it.

There was some coverage of this issue as early as late July by some members of the international media. Not the U.S. media, but the international media. And so close observers of the situation in Rwanda and Burundi began to understand what was happening as early as late July. Now those of us working in the camp every day began to understand in early June.

But foreign diplomats would come to the camp because, again, their governments were providing financial support to the humanitarian assistance effort, so they would come to the camp and want to look around and see how their money was being used. And inevitably, during their visit, this issue would come up. They would ask about it. So they knew.

U.S. officials and officials of other governments who visited the camp knew about this eventually because they said they did. They would ask about it. They had heard about it.

They oftentimes did not know how the recruitment was happening or how pervasive it was, but, by midsummer, some of the more astute governments paying close attention had figured out that some kind of military recruitment was happening in Mahama Refugee Camp.

AG: And why is it significant that the U.N. and the U.S. government are aware of this?

JD: Well, it’s significant that governments are aware of this because, if they are aware of it, then they can exert pressure. They can exert diplomatic pressure either behind the scenes, quietly, on the Rwandan government to cease this activity or, if that doesn’t work, they can go more public.

My impression is that, up to this point in time, the pressure that they exerted has been more behind the scenes. Constructive diplomacy, if you will. And it has not stopped the recruitment.

At times perhaps it slowed down the recruitment, but it most certainly has not brought the military recruitment to a stop. And, ultimately, some of the governments, including the U.S. government could always take a stronger position, going beyond just quiet diplomacy or even public diplomacy but getting to the point of considering sanctions against the Rwandan government.

It’s significant that governments are aware of this because, if they are aware of it, then they can exert pressure. They can exert diplomatic pressure either behind the scenes, quietly, on the Rwandan government to cease this activity or, if that doesn’t work, they can go more public.

So those are all tools that the U.S. government has and whether they are ready to use those tools or not, I don’t know. I don’t have access to their internal discussions. But it’s significant that they know it, because they can’t come back – governments can’t come back – months from now when it’s too late and say they didn’t know about this.

They do know about it. We know they know about it. They’ve asked about it. And I think some governments have other methods to monitor the situation and collect information on this kind of activity. So it’s not a secret, and it needs to be talked about more openly to try to impose some accountability.

AG: Did you see any sign that the U.S. is actually encouraging the recruitment?

JD: That the U.S. is encouraging the recruitment?

AG: Yes, the U.S. has a historically very close relationship with the Rwandan military, and there are many people who believe this. But, that doesn’t mean it’s true.

JD: No, I saw no signs of that, and this is the first time that notion has ever even been presented to me. Every indication that I ever had, both when I was in Rwanda as well as since returning from Rwanda a couple weeks ago, is that the U.S. government is extremely concerned about military recruitment in Rwanda and in Mahama Camp. I’ve never had any sense that the U.S. government would support that. But I’m not inside the U.S. government, so I can’t speak authoritatively on that.

AG: Is it possible that easing the tension is best left to Rwandans and Burundians?

JD: I think this is an issue that needs international diplomatic attention, including by the U.S. government, and it is possible that diplomatic pressure by the U.N. and others has already had some beneficial effect. There is not as yet a full blown rebel invasion into Burundi.

There is violence, perhaps there are things going on, but there were periods of time when the recruitment in the camp did slow down. We can only guess about the reasons, but perhaps diplomatic pressure played a role. But there was always the sense that the recruitment network remained in place and that the recruitment network would continue to function, and I think that’s proven to be the case right up to the current time.

AG: Today, Agence France Presse reported that “Burundian insurgents” boasted of firing mortars at the presidential palace in Bujumbura – that is, at President Nkurunziza’s residence. Do you have anything to say about what this could mean?

JD: Well, it’s hard for me to analyze that because that happened inside Burundi – I was on the other side of the border in Rwanda – but I can say, having worked on issues of Rwanda and Burundi on and off for more than 20 years, that we know, historically, that the violence gets worse and the risk of mass atrocities becomes much more serious when both sides feel that they have been victimized.

And so, a mortar attack on the presidential palace –  if it were to hit its mark and actually create a large number of deaths, or even the death of a president – would certainly create a situation where the ruling party and everyone who voted for the ruling party in Burundi would feel victimized at a whole new level. And if something like that were to happen, that’s when, historically, violence in Burundi becomes much worse, and that’s what everybody fears here.

Up to this point, the violence in Burundi has largely been political in nature. There’s always an ethnic tinge to it, but it’s largely political. But everyone’s fear is that the violence in Burundi could flip into wholesale ethnic violence.

Having worked on issues of Rwanda and Burundi on and off for more than 20 years, that we know, historically, that the violence gets worse and the risk of mass atrocities becomes much more serious when both sides feel that they have been victimized.

And if that were to happen, then all bets are off, because we’ve seen back in the 1970s, the 1980s, the 1990s, Burundi can produce tens of thousands of refugees in a single weekend. It can produce hundreds of thousands of new refugees in a matter of weeks.

It can produce tens of thousands of deaths of innocent people in a short period of time, if the violence escalates to a whole new level. The violence in Burundi now is bad, but it is not as bad as it could get, and if both sides see themselves as victims, then they lash out very strongly at each other.

KPFA: By both sides, you mean Hutu and Tutsi?

JD: If it gets to that, yes.

KPFA: If it gets to that.

JD: If it becomes totally ethnic in character. Right now, as I said, there’s an ethnic undercurrent, but it seems largely politically oriented. There are plenty of Hutu in Burundi who oppose the ruling party and the third term of the president.

But if you were to have a wholesale invasion of Burundi by an army organized by the government of Rwanda and sent into Burundi – Burundian refugees – that would tilt the dynamics of the violence in Burundi instantaneously. And that’s what everybody fears.

AG: OK, is there anything else you’d like to say?

JD: Yes. This is an issue that has not gotten attention in the media. The attention it has gotten has largely been from European media.

It does need more attention here in the United States and I’m encouraged that you’re looking at this, and I hope that it will stimulate more coverage from other American media because there is potential for this to get out of hand very quickly.

It oftentimes felt very lonely and very isolated there at Mahama Camp. It’s a remote area anyway, and you always wonder who’s really paying attention. You file your reports, but sometimes you wonder who’s reading them. But, little by little, I think that, hopefully, pressure’s being put on the government.

AG: Well, it’s courageous of you to speak. It’s courageous of you to have even filed the reports there, because the Rwandan government is known to disappear people. I think you’re pretty safe here in Maryland, but in Mahama Refugee Camp, they could just say, “He’s gone and we don’t know where. We can’t be responsible for everybody.”

JD: It’s something that we thought about and we talked about at critical moments. We were aware. Like I say, you’re weighing risks every single day on things large and small – risk to yourself, risk to the refugees, risk to your co-workers. Every step you take, in a way, has to be thought through in advance.

So it continues here in the states. I feel like I’ve brought Rwanda back with me – for better or worse.

Update: On Monday, Nov. 23, 2015, President Obama issued an executive order imposing sanctions on two Burundian military officers and two former Burundian military officers who have joined the current insurgency. The order did not sanction any Rwandan officers and made no mention of Rwanda’s role in the conflict.

Oakland writer Ann Garrison writes for the San Francisco Bay View, Black Agenda Report, Black Star News, Counterpunch and her own website, Ann Garrison, and produces for AfrobeatRadio on WBAI-NYC, KPFA Evening News, KPFA Flashpoints and for her own YouTube Channel, AnnieGetYourGang. She can be reached at anniegarrison@gmail.com. In March 2014 she was awarded the Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza Democracy and Peace Prize for promoting peace in the Great Lakes Region of Africa through her reporting.

VENDREDI NOIR POUR LES TERRORISTES SINDUMUJA

Pick Up des assassins. Elle appartient à la Fedex
Armes des assassins

Tandis qu’aux USA ce jour lance la course aux achats pour Noel, avec des prix au rabais, avec pour conséquence des magasins noirs de clients, les terroristes Sindamuja avaient planifié de se payer à peu de frais la peau de l’honorable Ndaruvukanye Zénon, gouverneur sortant de Bujumbura rural et actuel conseiller du Président de la République. Une ambuscade lui a été tendue au niveau de la Brasserie Brarudi. Le pick up des assassins appartenait à la société de courrier international basée aux USA, la FEDEX. Ils ont tiré sur le véhicule du parlementaire,mais ses gardes ont répondu à la fusillade. Un d’eux est mort, d’autres ont été blessés. La Police a poursuivi les agresseurs, mais ceux-ci se sentant braqués, ils ont abandonné leur véhicule près du marché chez Sioni. Deux d’entre eux ont été appréhendés. Dans le véhicule se trouvait beaucoup d’armes et des grenades. Par la suite, les agresseurs arretés auraient montré le dépot d’armes,  à Kinindo, Avenue Ntwarante 65, dans une maison appartenant à un ex – FAB (forces armées burundaises) du nom de Ndabaneze Prosper. C’était un arsénal.

Arsenal découvert à Kinindo, Avenue Ntwarante n°65

Nous félicitons la Police Nationale et les autres forces de l’ordre, ainsi que la population qui signale les situations suspectes.

Nous recommandons à la Police de vérifier dans les dépots de la FEDEX: il y a peut-être des canons ou des missiles. Nous recommandons également de fouiller tous les parents de Teddy Mazina, Muhozi Innocent et Gakunzi David, parce qu’ils sont les constantes dans ce terrorisme; ils étaient et il sont toujours en première ligne sur les médias locaux et internationaux, et en particulier lors du Putch du 13 mai; ils sont les promoteurs du tribunal Russel du 29 septembre, ils sont parents à Prosper Ndabaneze. Ils confirment la piste rwandaise des troubles qui secouent Bujumbura: ces individus sont en effet rwando-burundais.

SINDUMUJA ….. MUJAIDINS

Le terrorisme change de nom mais pas de substance; partout il opère de la même manière, parce que l’inspirateur est le même. Pour parler de nom, les terroristes sindumuja ont pris une appellation dont l’acronyme, à une lettre près, est le mouvement islamiste afgan, les mujahidins. Ceux-ci furent créés par les USA pour chasser les russes, mais après ils se sont mis à dévorer la mère Amérique qui les avaient engendrés. Mais comme l’histoire se répète, les belges eux aussi ont créé les sindumuja et les appuient. N’est-ce pas la Belgique qui a proclamé solennellement qu’elle va désormais financer les contre pouvoirs ? Que fait l’opposition radicale de cet argent ? Elle achète des fusils pour les insurgés, et le sang gicle dans Bujumbura. Les sindamuja, comme tout autre groupe terroriste qui se respecte, aime à rendre spectaculaire ses forfaits: arracher le coeur de ses victimes pour insuffler la frayeur (// la décapitation opérée par les islamistes),  poster sur le web les photos des gens à peine assassinés. La seule différence pourtant est que les sindamuja n’ont pas le courage de revendiquer leurs crimes. Ils préfèrent dire que les auteurs sont des inconnus (quand c’est eux qui l’ont fait) ou bien ils endossent tout simplement la faute à la police. Dernièrement, l’Agence Reuters a photographié les éléments de ce groupe terroriste: à la surprise de tous, ils ont un commandant islamiste ! Que ceux qui les financent fassent attention: de sindumuja à mujahidin ce n’est qu’une question d’appelation; comme l’Etat Islamique fait trembler les capitales européennes, demain les sindumuja pourraient chasser les européens de leurs « colonies ».

DE LA FRANCOPHONIE A LA CACOPHONIE, ET BUYOYA CREA LES SINDUMUJA

Les SINDUMUJA  sont la version 2015 des SANS ECHECS de 1993. Une évolution de la marque. Mais le patron aux commandes de la fabrique est toujours le même: Pierre Buyoya. Très discret, dans l’ombre comme tout bon félin en affût. Débouté de la francophonie, il a pensé qu’il pouvait reprendre le métier qu’il sait faire le mieux au monde: tirer l’avantage de la cacophonie. Il voudrait remettre en selle, en complicité avec Kagame, le noyau hima bururien qui était aux affaires jusqu’en 2005, au dépens des autres  composantes de la population, dont les hutu et les tutsi des autres régions. Les signes ne manquent pas: les putchistes du 13 mai, qui sont-ils ? Principalement ce groupe-là, à l’exception de Niyombare qui a joué la dinde de la farce, comme Ngeze en 1993. Pour faire accréditer l’idée d’un génocide en préparation auprès des blancs ignorants, qui sont les tutsi que les Sindamuja assassinent ? Les tutsi des provinces du centre et du nord, c’est-à-dire Gitega, Ngozi, Karusi, Muyinga. Les exemples sont multiples: le fils de Mbonimpa: Ngozi; le cameraman et sa famille: Karusi; les assassinats dans le bar de Kanyosha: Karusi; le vieux de Mutakura en tenue JRR: Bukeye; Zed Feruzi (Ngozi); la jeune fille trouvée morte avenue de l’imprimerie: Ngozi. Et tant d’autres. Le cas le plus patent de manipulation réussie est bien Mbonimpa Pierre Claver. Il CROIT  en ce qu’il est en train de faire, mais il ne sait pas réellement pourquoi il le fait (le but ultime). Il ne voit pas que quelqu’un est en train de le vendre en pièces détachées sur le marché international, un peu comme les chefs islamistes vendent leurs kamikazes.

Cette machination de Buyoya, nous la mettons à nue, et nous la condamnons, parce qu’elle met en péril l’unité nationale.  Kagame du Rwanda pendant sa guerre de conquête a exterminé les tutsi bagorwe, qui vivaient sur la lisière de la forêt avec leurs troupeaux, et il inculpait pour ces meurtres le président Habyarimana. Cette dénonciation est aussi un appel à la vigilance pour les tutsi des autres régions, pour qu’ils n’écoutent pas les sirènes des Maggy et Nininahazwe, eux-mêmes pilotés plus ou moins inconsciemment par cette main invisible: ils pourraient y laisser leur peau, par le « feu ami ».

BURUNDI – BELGIQUE : INVITATION A MODERER LE TON

La première évidence est qu’une tension entre la Belgique et le Burundi existe, et elle a été allumée par la Belgique elle-même. Quand le Burundi est entré en crise suite à une mésentente politique (ça arrive à tout le monde !), la Belgique s’est érigée sur son ergot d’ancien colonisateur et s’est tout de suite melée de l’affaire, avec des déclarations et des actions éversives. En effet, elle a soutenu les auteurs du putch manqué et  les manifestations violentes. Elle a coupé son aide et a poussé pour que toute l’Europe fasse de même. L’invitation du Burundi par l’Union Européenne au dialogue s’est faite sous forme d’ultimatum, ce qui dénote le mépris envers un pays souverain. Et pourtant la Belgique a tort, parce que les institutions en place à Bujumbura représentent  plus de 95% de la population, si on compte le CNDD-FDD,  le FNL,  l’UPRONA et d’autres petits partis satellites. Donc la Belgique, quantitativement parlant, ne soutient rien. Le CNARED et les Sindumuja sont des coquilles vides. Mais elles ont une capacité de nuisance, comme le poison, qui d’habitude se pèse en gouttes et non en tonnes. Ils sont comme les NEONAZIS, partis peu représentatifs, mais épine dans le pied des démocraties occidentales. Quel pays africain se mettrait à soutenir ces néonazis ou les anarchistes qui sont sur le territoire européen ?

Le Burundi donc, face à ces attaques continues a fini lui aussi par adopter dans certaines circonstances un ton décidé, qui n’a bien entendu pas plu, ni aux belges ni à l’Occident. La preuve, c’est l’interprétation des textes des communiqués du Parti CNDD-FDD dans un sens négatif qui puisse confirmer les préjugés européens. Par exemple, ils ont collé à un texte du parti  le mot « genocide » qui n’apparait nulle part, parce qu’il a été répété ad nauseam par les opposants radicaux  depuis deux ans.  Le « génocide » est en effet le rameau sur lequel ils s’agrippent pour ne pas se noyer parce qu’ils n’ont aucun argument politique, vu qu’en 2010 et en 2015 ils ont boycotté les élections.

L’énervement du Burundi est donc compréhensible. Toutefois, les burundais sont légendaires pour leur sang froid, et la colère est mauvaise conseillère. C’est pour cette raison que nous invitons les belges, et surtout nos dirigeants burundais à se calmer, à opposer de la « hauteur » (comme a dit Mr Willy Nyamitwe) aux magouilles occidentales. L’Occident lui aussi n’est pas immunisé contre les crises et les catstrophes, comme nous le voyons; il finira peut-être par nous comprendre. Et de toutes façons, avant le dialogue, il faut toujours modérer le ton, autrement les protagonistes ne s’entendent pas.

JEAN DE LA FONTAINE: UNE AMERE CONSOLATION

La lionne et l’ourse

Mère Lionne avait perdu son fan :
Un chasseur l’avait pris. La pauvre infortunée
Poussait un tel rugissement
Que toute la forêt était importunée.
La nuit ni son obscurité,
Son silence, et ses autres charmes,
De la reine des bois n’arrêtait les vacarmes :
Nul animal n’était du sommeil visité.
L’Ourse enfin lui dit : « Ma commère,
Un mot sans plus : tous les enfants
Qui sont passés entre vos dents
N’avaient-ils ni père ni mère ?
– Ils en avaient. – S’il est ainsi,
Et qu’aucun de leur mort n’ait nos têtes rompues,
Si tant de mères se sont tues,
Que ne vous taisez-vous aussi ?
– Moi, me taire ! moi, malheureuse !
Ah ! j’ai perdu mon fils ? il me faudra traîner
Une vieillesse douloureuse !
– Dites-moi, qui vous force à vous y condamner ?
– Hélas ! c’est le Destin qui me hait. 

– Ces paroles
Ont été de tout temps en la bouche de tous. »
Misérables humains, ceci s’adresse à vous.
Je n’entends résonner que des plaintes frivoles.
Quiconque, en pareil cas se croit haï des Cieux,
Qu’il considère Hécube, il rendra grâce aux Dieux.

Burundi’s dangerous neighbor – (Rwanda, pericoloso vicino del Burundi)

 From: Washington Post
November 18 at 5:49 PM
The Nov. 14 editorial “Burundi nears the brink” correctly warned of the potential for mass atrocities in Burundi caused by that government’s actions and its language inciting further violence. Equally dangerous are the actions of neighboring Rwanda, whose government in recent months has secretly recruited an army of Burundian refugees presumably for the purpose of conducting an armed insurgency inside Burundi.Since June, Rwandan officials have allegedly been carrying out the conscription of Burundians from Mahama refugee camp in southeast Rwanda. Until two weeks ago, I worked for five months as a U.N. official in that refugee camp and dealt firsthand with the intimidating power of the military recruitment effort. U.N. officials and the U.S. government are aware of the Rwandan government’s recruitment campaign.

The invasion of Burundi by a rebel army from Rwanda would transform Burundi’s current political violence into an ethnic bloodbath. This scenario must be avoided at all costs in a region where far more than 1 million Burundians and Rwandans have perished in multiple cycles of mass atrocities since the 1970s. The governments of Burundi and Rwanda are playing a dangerous game.

Jeff Drumtra, Fort Washington